The left sheathes the knives for the first time in an Andalusian campaign
The Andalusian leaders are preparing to stand at their lecterns before the first electoral debate on RTVE, this Monday.
The Andalusian leaders are preparing to stand at their lecterns before the first electoral debate on RTVE, this Monday.Alejandro begs (THE COUNTRY)

In this faded campaign, in which electoral posters are hardly seen, there is another absence that draws attention: the left-wing bloc is not fighting. These are the twelfth elections to the Parliament of Andalusia and in the previous 11, the knives have always flown between PSOE and Izquierda Unida and, when it arrived in 2015, also with Podemos.

The Andalusian Socialists are in the opposition and in a dubious state of form; the polls give a sum of PP and Vox of up to 66 seats out of a total of 109; and in Madrid, the coalition government of PSOE and United We Can acts as glue at least not to miss the criticism. All this has made it possible for the first time in 40 years, from the center-left to the extreme left, to have a correct electoral coexistence. At least for now.

There was concern in the PSOE and Por Andalucía, the coalition of six formations made up of IU, Podemos and Más País, among others, that the leader of Anticapitalistas and Adelante Andalucía, Teresa Rodríguez, would mark ground, although she was the first to claim a “ non-aggression pact”. Her deep mistrust is well known not only with the PSOE of Andalusia, but with her old formation, from which she came out shot because she wanted it that way and because on the other side, in IU and Podemos, they put a lot of interest in putting their suitcases on the door with a turncoat ID written in large letters. Por Andalucía’s appeal against its presence in the television debates suggested the worst, but the Andalusian Electoral Board imposed the informative criterion on the legal allegation. Rodríguez was very clear in the electoral debate: she asked for the vote for her formation, but she left saying that “you must not stop taking the bus that leaves you closer”, in tacit reference to other leftist options.

Antonio Maíllo was coordinator of IU and number two (theoretically) of Rodríguez in the 2018 campaign. What did they say then? “We must put an end to susanism, a species that lives off socialism, not for socialism.” To the neck. Susana Díaz is no longer, not even campaigning. “Now there is an electoral logic, in which the enemy is the one who governs, the PP. The fact that the PSOE is currently in opposition is easier to assume in order to form a government in the case of den accounts”, she assures. Rodríguez has said and repeats in every possible way that she “not even dead” would share the table of the Governing Council with the Socialists, but in her DNA is not allowing “neither by action nor omission” to let the right wing pass.

“There is a coincidence of diagnosis in the basics: stop the extreme right and the right because it can be lethal in Andalusia. There is nothing agreed, it is a matter of responsibility”, assures the Deputy Secretary General of the Andalusian PSOE and number one by Jaen, Angeles Ferriz. If the PP candidates, Juan Manuel Moreno, and Ciudadanos, Juan Marín, agreed to go to one in the first electoral debate on RTVE, Juan Espadas (PSOE), Inma Nieto (For Andalusia) and Teresa Rodríguez were also seen to point in the same address: criticism of the coalition government’s management. “There is an understanding, but not an agreement”, insists Férriz.

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When the PSOE lost the Junta de Andalucía in 2018, the socialists turned in their relations with the parties to their left, which not until long were derogatorily called “the communists”. The previous spokesperson with Susana Díaz, José Fiscal, began to weave relationships to his left, especially with the current candidate Inma Nieto on parliamentary issues in which they coincided. And in those that did not, the traditional exchange of reproaches was avoided. Swords and Férriz, also a parliamentary spokesperson, have expanded that relationship, although more with the IU coordinator, Toni Valero and with Nieto, than with the regional leadership of Podemos.

The general secretary of the Andalusian Communist Party, Ernesto Alba, also denies the existence of a formal pact not to fight. “The situation and the context are different and there is a kind of hidden alliance,” he says. The IU leaders see this clearly in the towns where they govern, where in the municipal elections the battle between the Socialists and the IU is fought street by street. “People on the left are seeing what’s in front of them and the relationship flows naturally,” he says.

In the new coalition of Por Andalucía they are happy with the socialist candidate. They believe that he leaves a lot of space to his left because they consider that the profile of Espadas competes with that of the Andalusian president and PP candidate for re-election, Juan Manuel Moreno, in addition to addressing the center voter. “That’s not bad for us, because the ‘left’ is not going to vote for him,” says one leader. The vote to the left of the PSOE in regional elections has never been smaller: half a million in the average of the 11 elections held so far, although the percentage has ranged from 7% to 19.1%. Por Andalucía has frozen its differences, after the chaotic and confusing birth of the brand. In IU and Más País they are clearly in favor of the project promoted by the second vice president, Yolanda Díaz, who will debut tomorrow, Friday, in the Andalusian campaign. On Wednesday, the leader of Más País, Íñigo Errejón, along with Valero, did it. He was asked if he trusted his former colleagues from Podemos: “I trust Por Andalucía,” he replied dryly, while making it clear that the Andalusian women “are not a springboard for other things.”

More than trust, what exists in this confluence is a set of shared interests, although it is unknown for how long.

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